Guide A Not So Foreign Affair: Fascism, Sexuality, and the Cultural Rhetoric of American Democracy

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In grade school, I often suppressed my heritage, preferring to foreground my father's Irishness. By high school I had come to embrace a politics that rejected everything fascist—very broadly construed—and to take a martyred pleasure in the fact that my own grandfather had been a Nazi and would probably argue loudly with me, had he outlived the war. But by graduate school I was ready to look at fascism in America with a more analytical eye. By understanding American political and popular culture on this topic, I have come to better understand myself.

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Because each style has its own formatting nuances that evolve over time and not all information is available for every reference entry or article, Encyclopedia. In these multiple ways, then, the s function as a historical rock bottom, a demonstration of how low humanity can descend. The international and economic architecture that still stands today — even if it currently looks shaky and threatened — was built in reaction to the havoc wreaked in the 30s and immediately afterwards. The United Nations, the European Union , the International Monetary Fund, Bretton Woods: these were all born of a resolve not to repeat the mistakes of the 30s, whether those mistakes be rampant nationalism or beggar-my-neighbour protectionism.

The world of is shaped by the trauma of the s. From Sweden to the US, from Britain to Australia, only one in four of those born in the s regarded democracy as essential.

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Put another way, those who were born into the hurricane have no desire to feel its wrath again. Most of these dynamics are long established, but now there is another element at work. As the 30s move from living memory into history, as the hurricane moves further away, so what had once seemed solid and fixed — specifically, the view that that was an era of great suffering and pain, whose enduring value is as an eternal warning — becomes contested, even upended. That phrase has long been off-limits in US discourse, because it was the name of the movement — packed with nativists and antisemites, and personified by the celebrity aviator Charles Lindbergh — that sought to keep the US out of the war against Nazi Germany and to make an accommodation with Hitler.

Bannon, who considers himself a student of history, will be fully aware of that s association — but embraced it anyway. Timothy Snyder, professor of history at Yale and the author of On Tyranny: Twenty Lessons from the Twentieth Century, notes that European nationalists are also keen to overturn the previously consensual view of the 30s as a period of shame, never to be repeated.

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The more arresting example is, perhaps inevitably, Vladimir Putin. Putin has exhumed Ilyin both metaphorically and literally, digging up and moving his remains from Switzerland to Russia. Ilyin spent the 30s exiled from the Soviet Union, but Putin has brought him back, quoting him in his speeches and laying flowers on his grave.

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And the parallel has felt irresistible, so that when Trump first imposed his travel ban, for example, the instant comparison was with the door being closed to refugees from Nazi Germany in the 30s. Theresa May was on the receiving end of the same comparison when she quietly closed off the Dubs route to child refugees from Syria.

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So the reflex is well-honed. But is it sound? Does any comparison of today and the s hold up?

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The starting point is surely economic, not least because the one thing everyone knows about the 30s — and which is common to both the US and European experiences of that decade — is the Great Depression. The current convulsions can be traced back to the crash of , but the impact of that event and the shock that defined the 30s are not an even match. When discussing our own time, Krugman speaks instead of the Great Recession: a huge and shaping event, but one whose impact — measured, for example, in terms of mass unemployment — is not on the same scale. The political sphere reveals another mismatch between then and now.

The 30s were characterised by ultra-nationalist and fascist movements seizing power in leading nations: Germany, Italy and Spain most obviously. Still, so far and as things stand, in Europe only Hungary and Poland have governments that seem doctrinally akin to those that flourished in the 30s. That leaves the US, which dodged the bullet of fascistic rule in the 30s — although at times the success of the America First movement , which at its peak could count on more than , paid-up members, suggested such an outcome was far from impossible.

Donald Trump has certainly had Americans reaching for their history textbooks, fearful that his admiration for strongmen, his contempt for restraints on executive authority, and his demonisation of minorities and foreigners means he marches in step with the demagogues of the 30s. But even those most anxious about Trump still focus on the form the new presidency could take rather than the one it is already taking.

He was not arguing that Trump had already embarked on that route, just that he could so long as the media came to heel and the public grew weary and worn down, shrugging in the face of obvious lies and persuaded that greater security was worth the price of lost freedoms. He did not have the dissenting judges sacked or imprisoned; he has not moved to register or intern every Muslim citizen in the US; he has not suggested they wear identifying symbols. These are crumbs of comfort; they are not intended to minimise the real danger Trump represents to the fundamental norms that underpin liberal democracy.

Rather, the point is that we have not reached the s yet.

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Those sounding the alarm are suggesting only that we may be travelling in that direction — which is bad enough. Two further contrasts between now and the s, one from each end of the sociological spectrum, are instructive. First, and particularly relevant to the US, is to ask: who is on the streets? In the 30s, much of the conflict was played out at ground level, with marchers and quasi-military forces duelling for control. The clashes of the Brownshirts with communists and socialists played a crucial part in the rise of the Nazis.

But those taking to the streets today — so far — have tended to be opponents of the lurch towards extreme nationalism. Those demonstrations have continued, and they supply an important contrast with 80 years ago. Back then, it was the fascists who were out first — and in force. Snyder notes another key difference. The exercise is made complicated by the fact that ultra-nationalists are, so far, largely out of power where they ruled in the 30s — namely, Europe — and in power in the place where they were shut out in that decade, namely the US.

It means that Trump has to be compared either to US movements that were strong but ultimately defeated, such as the America First Committee , or to those US figures who never governed on the national stage. In that category stands Huey Long, the Louisiana strongman who ruled that state as a personal fiefdom and who was widely seen as the inspiration for the White House dictator at the heart of the Lewis novel.

Long would engage in the personal abuse of his opponents, often deploying colourful language aimed at mocking their physical characteristics.

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The judges were a frequent Long target, to the extent that he hounded one out of office — with fateful consequences. Long went over the heads of the hated press, communicating directly with the voters via a medium he could control completely. Long never made it to the White House. In , one month after announcing his bid for the presidency, he was assassinated, shot by the son-in-law of the judge Long had sought to remove from the bench.

Nativist xenophobia was intense, even if most immigration had come to a halt with legislation passed in the previous decade.

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Catholics from eastern Europe were the target of much of that suspicion, while Lindbergh and the America Firsters played on enduring antisemitism.